Marissa DuBois in Slow Motion Full Fashion Week 2023, Fashion Channel Vlog,

Friday, June 1, 2012

Hammer of Thor! Why The Avengers belong to Joss


And regardless of The Avengers’ blockbuster flavor, it remains a Joss Whedon film through and through; a smart piece of action cinema with a wry sense of humor and a knowing wink at the audience. It is remarkable Whedon succeeded in making the ambitious movie work at all, let alone making it his own.
Here are five reasons why the most successful superhero blockbuster of all time belongs to Joss.
BEWARE OF SPOILERS. THIS ARTICLE IS ALL SPOILERS.
Strength in Numbers
Two of Whedon's most beloved TV series to date, Buffy the Vampire Slayer and Firefly, presented us with an array of characters who sparked off one another in an endless variety of exhilarating combinations. The same is true with The Avengers; all six - seven if you count Bruce Banner and Hulk as two - possess show-stealing abilities, and beyond that, show-stealing charm.
While they vie for our attention amongst the escalating spectacle, it is to Whedon’s credit that all share screen time fairly, ensuring none are lost in the mix. He carefully introduces each member as individuals first and as part of the team second; character is paramount. Even Steve Rogers/Captain America, the wholesome time-traveler who could easily have been a one joke whipping boy, gets to shine both as a conflicted innocent in quieter moments and as a leader in the film’s scorching final battle.
Kick-ass Women
The finesse with which Whedon writes women is unusual in the particular Hollywood bubble he works in, a translucent thing populated by - for the most part - equally translucent female characters. Whedon’s women, on the other hand, are funny, tough and have substance, their ability to kill things a pleasing but inessential addition. One’s mind immediately jumps to Buffy (or, to a lesser degree, Echo) but let’s not forget the Anyas, the Willows, the Cordelias, the Zoes and the Faiths; fully-rounded characters whose ability to kick ass is matched with a wicked way with words.
Natasha Romanova/Black Widow, as played by Scarlett Johannson, could have been a bland, hypersexualized character. Instead, Whedon plays with the audience’s expectations of Natasha’s femininity and sexuality and upends them from her very first appearance, as she turns an interrogation - admittedly in the tightest of outfits - on its head. This same trick is repeated during a second interrogation, as the audience is briefly left to question Natasha's effectiveness before she reveals her true intentions in one swift move. Her ability to emotionally manipulate is unnervingly efficient, and as important to the team as an indestructible shield.




Whedon’s work holds a special appeal to those of us who have grown up alongside him in the same media landscape. He has an uncanny ability to deliver obscure cultural references in a a way that never patronizes his audience, so entrenched are they in his own joyful geekdom. It's that self-awareness at work again - that gentle nudge in the ribs of the audience.
The references in the Avengers range from an ill-regarded John Frankenheimer movie (Reindeer Games), to Stephen Hawking, to broader conversations around the Avengers universe. Agent Coulson's admiration of Captain America is a tip of the hat to Marvel's fan base, likewise the appearance of Stan Lee as an Avengers naysayer. Whedon also has a blast riffing on classic lines; the first and only utterance of the corny "Hulk...smash" turns the quip on its head.
It is the moment when Loki tries to stop a raging Hulk with a dramatic and hubris-laced monologue, however, that encapsulates Whedon’s masterful grasp of the world in which he is working in. The carnage that follows, topped off with Hulk's characteristic use of the word "puny," is pure fan service.
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Anna Bligh's husband Greg Withers quits Queensland public service job


The husband of the former Premier Anna Bligh, Greg Withers, has resigned from his job in Queensland's public service but the LNP government has said he was not pressured to do so.
Mr Withers tendered his resignation this morning and today will be his last day in the office.
He was the Director of the Office of Climate Change and after the March 24 election Premier Campbell Newman ordered him to wind back green energy programs he had helped to create over the past four years.


Mr Withers, a veteran bureaucrat, had been promoted by his wife to the rank of assistant director-general - earning $220,000 a year - after she controversially appointed him as head of the Office of Climate Change, which she created barely a month after she became premier in 2007.


Newman government sources have confirmed his resignation, effective immediately, and insisted there had been no pressure on him to quit the public service after the LNP swept into power.




"The office of climate change was disbanded, he helped shut it down and was then given other duties," one source said.


Mr Withers, who could not be reached for comment, will receive a basic payout covering leave and possibly long service entitlements.


Just before the state election Mr Withers had his contract renewed for three years by his wife amid speculation he would be sacked if the LNP won power. If he had been sacked, the new government would have been bound to pay out his three-year contract.


Mr Withers' resignation follows the rejection by Mr Newman of a request last month from Ms Bligh for the state government to cover the costs of her phone, iPad and a staff member.


Despite falling six months short of rules requiring premiers to serve five years before gaining access to such ongoing taxpayer-funded benefits, Ms Bligh has requested the "entitlements" for the two months after her election defeat.


Ms Bligh, who retired on a lifetime pension of at least $150,000 a year, has argued the staff member is needed to help her deal with the correspondence and invitations linked to her former role.
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Economy of Portugal



The Economy of Portugal is a high income mixed economy. The Global Competitiveness Report 2008-2009 edition placed Portugal in the 43rd position out of 134 countries and territories.

Most imports come from the European Union countries of Spain, Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Most exports also go to other European Union member states. Portugal's central bank is the Banco de Portugal, which is part of the European System of Central Banks. The major stock exchange is the Euronext Lisbon which is part of the NYSE Euronext, the first global stock exchange.


Economic history of Portugal
Portuguese Colonial Empire

During the Portuguese Empire period, started in the 15th century, until the Carnation Revolution of 1974, the economy of Portugal was centered in trade and raw materials related activities within its vast colonial possessions, mainly in Asia (spices, silk, dyes, porcelain and gems), Africa (ivory, timber, oil and diamonds) and South America (sugar cane, dyes, woods and gold). The country, with a transcontinental empire with plenty of natural resources and vast unexploited areas, was among the most powerful nations in the world. In 1822, the Portuguese colony of Brazil became an independent country, however, until 1974, Portugal managed to preserve its colonies/overseas territories in Africa, which included Angola and Mozambique, territories that would experience reasonable rates of economic growth until the departure of the Portuguese in 1975.

After a long period of economic divergence before 1914, the Portuguese economy recovered slightly until 1950, entering thereafter on a path of strong economic convergence. Portuguese economic growth in the period 1950-1973 created an opportunity for real integration with the developed economies of Western Europe. Through emigration, trade, tourism and foreign investment, individuals and firms changed their patterns of production and consumption, bringing about a structural transformation. Simultaneously, the increasing complexity of a growing economy raised new technical and organizational challenges, stimulating the formation of modern professional and management teams.

The military coup of 1974

The post Carnation Revolution period was characterized by chaos and negative economic growth as industries were nationalised and the negative effects of the decoupling of Portugal from its former territories were felt. Heavy industry came to an abrubt halt. All sectors of the economy from manufacturing, mining, chemical, defence, finance, agriculture and fishing went into free fall. Portugal found itself overnight going from the country in Western Europe with the highest growth rate to the lowest - in fact it experienced several years of negative growth. This was amplified by the mass emigration of skilled workers and enterpreneurs due to political intimidation, and the costs of accommodating in Portugal thousands of refugees from the former overseas provinces in Africa - the retornados.

After the Carnation Revolution's turmoil of 1974, the Portuguese economic basis changed deeply. The Portuguese economy had changed significantly by 1973 prior to the leftist military coup, compared with its position in 1961 - total output (GDP at factor cost) had grown by 120 percent in real terms. Clearly, the pre-revolutionary period was characterized by robust annual growth rates for GDP (6.9 percent), industrial production (9 percent), private consumption (6.5 percent), and gross fixed capital formation (7.8 percent).

In 1960, at the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy, Portugal's per capita GDP was only 38 percent of the EC-12 average; by the end of the Salazar period, in 1968, it had risen to 48 percent; and in 1973, on the eve of the revolution, Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56.4 percent of the EC-12 average. In 1975, the year of maximum revolutionary turmoil, Portugal's per capita GDP declined to 52.3 percent of the EC-12 average. Convergence of real GDP growth toward the EC average occurred as a result of Portugal's economic resurgence since 1985. In 1991 Portugal's GDP per capita climbed to 54.9 percent of the EC average, exceeding by a fraction the level attained just during the worst revolutionary period.

The growth rate of Portuguese merchandise exports during the period 1959 to 1973 was notable - 11 percent per annum. In 1960 the bulk of exports was accounted for by a few products - canned fish, raw and manufactured cork, cotton textiles, and wine. By contrast, in the early 1970s (before the 1974 military coup), Portugal's export list reflected significant product diversification, including both consumer and capital goods. Several branches of Portuguese industry became export-oriented, and in 1973 over one-fifth of Portuguese manufactured output was exported.

There was a 16-percentage-point increase in the participation of the services sector from 39 percent of GDP in 1973 to 55.5 percent in 1990. Most of this growth reflected the exacerbated proliferation of civil service employment and the associated cost of public administration, together with the contribution of tourism services during the 1980s to the detriment of more sustainable and reproductive activities like manufacturing, exporting and technology/capital-intensive industries.

 EU membership

Membership in the European Union (EU), achieved in 1986, contributed to stable economic growth and development, largely through increased trade ties and an inflow of funds allocated by the European Union to improve the country's infrastructure. After a recession in 1993, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 3.3%, well above EU averages but well behind the growth of the Portuguese economy before the military coup of 1974. In order to qualify for the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), Portugal agreed to cut its fiscal deficit and undertake structural reforms. The EMU brought to Portugal exchange rate stability, falling inflation, and falling interest rates. Falling interest rates, in turn, lowered the cost of public debt and helped the country achieve its fiscal targets.
In 2002 Portugal introduced the single European currency, the euro. With 14 other EU member states it forms the Eurozone.

In 1999, it continued to enjoy sturdy economic growth, falling interest rates, and low unemployment. The country qualified for the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union (EMU) in 1998 and joined with 10 other European countries in launching the euro on January 1, 1999. The three different designs chosen for the national side of the Portuguese euro coins were drawn by the artist Vitor Manuel Fernandes dos Santos. The inspiration came from the three seals of the first king, Dom Afonso Henriques. Portugal's inflation rate for 1999, 2.4%, was comfortably low.

Household debt has expanded rapidly. The European Commission, OECD, and others have advised the Portuguese Government to exercise more fiscal restraint. Portugal's public deficit exceeded 3% of GNP in 2001, the EU's self-imposed limit, and left the country open to either EU sanctions or tighter financial supervision. The overall rate of growth slowed in late 2001 and into 2002, making fiscal austerity that much more painful to implement.

Portugal has made significant progress in raising its standard of living to that of its EU partners. GDP per capita on a purchasing power parity basis rose from 51% of the EU average in 1985 to 78% in early 2002. By 2005 this had dropped to 72% (of the average across all of now 25 EU members, including seven with GDP per capita lower than Portugal) as GDP per capita rose in other EU countries. Unemployment stood at 4.1% at the end of 2001, which was low compared to the EU average.

GDP growth in 2006, at 1.3%, was the lowest not just in the European Union but in all of Europe. In the 2000s, the Czech Republic, Greece, Malta, Slovakia and Slovenia have all overtaken Portugal in terms of GDP per head. And Portuguese GDP per head has fallen from just over 80% of the EU 25 average in 1999 to just over 70% in 2007. This poor performance of the Portuguese economy was explored in April 2007 by The Economist which described Portugal as "a new sick man of Europe". From 2002 to 2007, the unemployment rate increased 65% (270,500 unemployed citizens in 2002, 448,600 unemployed citizens in 2007). In December 2009, ratings agency Standard and Poor's lowered its long-term credit assessment of Portugal to "negative" from "stable," voicing pessimism on the country's structural weaknesses in the economy and weak competitiveness that would hamper growth and the capacity to strengthen its public finances and reduce debt.

However, the Portuguese subsidiaries of large multinational companies, such as Siemens Portugal, Volkswagen Autoeuropa, Qimonda Portugal, IKEA, Nestlé Portugal, Microsoft Portugal, Unilever/Jerónimo Martins and Danone Portugal, are still ranked among its most productive in the world for its continued high productivity records.Many Portuguese companies have grown and expanded internationally since after 1986. Among the most notable Portugal-based global companies are SONAE, Amorim, Sogrape, EFACEC, Portugal Telecom, Jerónimo Martins, Cimpor, Unicer, Millennium bcp, Lactogal, Sumol + Compal, Delta Cafés, Derovo, Critical Software, Galp Energia, EDP, Grupo José de Mello, Nutrinveste, Valouro, Renova, Teixeira Duarte, Soares da Costa, Portucel Soporcel, Simoldes, Iberomoldes and Logoplaste.

2010 Default fears
 2010 European sovereign debt crisis

In the first weeks of 2010, renewed anxiety about the excessive levels of debt in some EU countries and, more generally, about the health of the euro has spread from Ireland and Greece to Portugal, Spain and Italy.

Some European think-tanks such as the CEE Council have argued that the predicament some mainland EU countries find themselves in today is the result of a decade of debt-fueled Keynesian economic policies pursued by local policy makers and complacent EU central banker, and many economists have recommended the imposition of a battery of corrective policies to control public debt- such as drastic austerity measures and substantially higher taxes.

Some senior German policy makers went as far as to say that emergency bailouts to Greece and future EU aid recipients should bring with it harsh penalties.

In 2010, acronyms were widely used by international bond analysts, academics, and by the international economic press when referring to the underperforming economies of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain.

Employment and wages

The unemployment is over 10% today. The number of unemployed people has increased since 2000.

As of May 2006, over 420,000 people were unemployed in Portugal. The unemployment rate in the country was 7.7%. In 2007 the unemployment rate reached 8.4%, the highest unemployment rate in Portugal since 1987. The average European Union unemployment rate decreased to a record low of 7.3% in 2007. In the Portuguese sub-region of Vale do Ave, the unemployment rate has reached 15%, and in the Península de Setúbal sub-region 12.5%.

Officially, in 2008 the unemployment decreased to 7.3% in the second quarter of 2008. However, it immediately rose again to higher rates. By December 2009, unemployment had surpassed the 10% mark nationwide.

Although being both a developed country and a high income country, Portugal has the lowest GDP per capita in Western Europe and its population has one of the lowest incomes per head among member states of the European Union. According to the Eurostat it had the 6th lowest purchasing power among the 27 member states of the European Union for the period 2005-2007.

Maria da Conceição Cerdeira, one of the authors of a published research study made by the Technical University of Lisbon's ISEG (Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão), explained that "in a generic way, there is not a high intensity of work, or a great psychological pressure" in Portugal, for the mass of common ordinary workers, unlike what happens in Northern Europe or North America. Less pressure does not mean, however, a better job. The last European survey of workers, published in 2007 and which formed the basis of this 2009 research study showed that Portugal is the 5th European country with lower quality of work.

Wages

The average wage in Portugal is €804.22 per month, and the minimum wage, which is regulated by law, is €475 per month.

Graduate unemployment

In 2008, about 8%of the people with a degree were unemployed, and a much larger proportion were underemployed. This directly was correlated with a general lack of employability and student preparation for the workplace seen among many courses in a number of fields offered by certain higher education institutions or departments. The implementation of the Bologna process and other educational reforms, such as the compulsory closing of a number of courses, departments, colleges and private universities after 2005 due to a lack of academic rigour and low teaching standards, tried a totally new approach in order to tackle the problem. In 2007 alone, some major private universities were investigated by State agencies and two were immediately closed. In addition, a number of degrees of the public system were also discontinued due to lack of quality, low demand by potential students or scarce interest showed by potential employers in fresh graduates on these fields. Secondary and post-secondary non-higher education (intermediate education - ensino médio), involving technical and vocational education, has been redeveloped since 2007, through the government's policies of the XVII Governo Constitucional (headed by Prime-Minister José Sócrates).

Nearly 60,000 people with an academic degree are unemployed in Portugal. This group includes a large proportion of young adults.

Economy by sector
Portuguese exports in 2006

Fisheries and agriculture now account for about 4% of the GDP, down from approximately 25% in 1960, while still employing 13% of the labour force. On the other hand, the tertiary sector has grown, producing 66% of the GDP and providing jobs for 52% of the working population. The remaining 30% of the GDP is mainly produced by the building and energy sectors.

Natural resources

Natural resources such as forests cover about 34% of the country, namely pine trees (13,500 km²), Cork Oak (6800 km²), Holm Oak (5,340 km²), and Eucalyptus (2,430 km²). Cork is a major production, Portugal produces half of the world's cork. Significant mining resources are lithium, tungsten, tin, and uranium.


Agriculture and fisheries

Agriculture in Portugal and Fishing in Portugal

A considerable part of continental Portugal is dedicated to agriculture, although it does not represent most of the economy. The south has developed an extensive monoculture of cereals and olive trees and the Douro Valley in vineyards. Olive trees (4,000 km²; 1,545 sq mi), vineyards (3,750 km²; 1,450 sq mi), wheat (3,000 km²; 1,160 sq mi) and maize (2,680 km²; 1,035 sq mi) are produced in vast areas. Portuguese wine and olive oil are especially praised by nationals for their quality, thus external competition (even at much lower prices) has had little effect on consumer demand. Portugal is a traditional wine grower, and has exported its wines since the dawn of western civilization; Port Wine, Vinho Verde and Madeira Wine are the leading wine exporters. Portugal is also a quality producer of fruits, namely the Algarve oranges, cherries (large production in Cova da Beira and Alto Alentejo), and Oeste region's pêra rocha (a type of pear). Other exports include horticulture and floriculture products, beet sugar, sunflower oil, cork, and tobacco.

The Portuguese fishing industry is fairly large and diversified. Fishing vessels classified according to the area in which they operate, can be divided into local fishing vessels, coastal fishing vessels and long-distance fishing vessels. The local fleet is mainly composed of small traditional vessels (less than 5 GRT), comprising, in 2004, 87% of the total fishing fleet and accounting for 8% of the total tonnage. These vessels are usually equipped to use more than one fishing method, such as hooks, gill nets and traps, and constitute the so-called polyvalent segment of the fleet. Their physical output is low but reasonable levels of income are attained by virtue of the high commercial value of the species they capture: octopus, black scabbardfish, conger, pouting, hake and anglerfish. Purse seine fishing is also part of the local fleet and has, on the mainland, only one target species: the sardine. This fishery represents 37% of total landings. Portugal's Exclusive Economic Zone has 1,727,408 km². The coastal fishing fleet accounted for only 13% of vessels but had the largest GRT (93%). These vessels operate in areas farther from the coast, and even outside the Portugal's Exclusive Economic Zone. The coastal fishing fleet comprises polyvalent, purse seine and trawl fishing vessels. The trawlers operate only on the mainland shelf and target demersal species such as horse mackerel, blue whiting, octopus and crustaceans. The crustacean trawling fishery targets Norway lobster, red shrimp and deepwater rose shrimp. The most important fish species landed in Portugal in 2004 were sardine, mackerel and horse mackerel, representing 37%, 9% and 8% of total landings by weight, and 13%, 1% and 8% of total value, respectively. Molluscs accounted for only 12% of total landings in weight, but 22% of total landings in value. Crustaceans were 0.6% of the total landings by weight and 5% by value.

Industry
Oeiras Municipality, in Lisbon Metropolitan Area, has headquarters of several Portuguese subsidiaries of major multinational companies.

The major industries include: oil refineries, petrochemistry, cement production, automotive and ship industries, electrical and electronics industries, machinery, pulp and paper industry, injection moulding, plastic products, textile, footwear, leather, furniture, ceramics, beverages and food industry and cork (leader producer). Automotive and other mechanical industries are primarily located in and around Setúbal, Porto, Lisbon, Aveiro, Braga, and Santarém. Coimbra and Oeiras have growing technological-based industries, including pharmaceuticals and software. Sines is a major petrochemical centre. Maia has one of the largest industrial parks of the country, including noted wood processing and food industries. Figueira da Foz is a major centre of pulp and paper industry. Marinha Grande is the most reputed glass making centre of Portugal. Leiria, Oliveira de Azeméis, Vale de Cambra and Viseu, have important light industries, including injection moulding and plastics. Alverca, Covilhã, Évora,and Ponte de Sor are the main centres of the Portuguese aerospace industry.

Services

The tertiary sector has grown, producing 66% of the GDP and providing jobs for 52% of the working population. The most significant growth rates are found in the trade sector, due to the introduction of modern means of distribution, transport and telecommunications. Financial tertiary have benefited from privatisation, also gaining in terms of efficiency. Tourism in Portugal has developed significantly and generates approximately 5% of the wealth produced in Portugal.

Financial market

In the Portuguese financial market, the major stock exchange is the Euronext Lisbon which is part of the NYSE Euronext, the first global stock exchange. It is supervised and regulated by the Portuguese Securities Market Commission. The PSI-20 is Portugal's most selective and widely known stock index. Portugal's central bank is the Banco de Portugal, which is an integral part of the European System of Central Banks. The largest Portuguese banks are Banco Comercial Português and the state-owned Caixa Geral de Depósitos. Portuguese banks hold strategic stakes in other sectors of the economy, including the insurance sector. Foreign bank participation is relatively high as is state ownership through the Caixa Geral de Depósitos (CGD). Overall, Portugal's financial system is sound, well managed and competitive, with shorter-term risks and vulnerabilities quite well contained, and with the system buttressed by a strong financial policy framework. Despite being relatively small and concentrated, Portugal’s banking system generally compares well with other European Union (EU) countries in terms of efficiency, profitability, and asset quality, with solvency also close to European levels. Across all the financial sub-sectors, and with particular reference to the larger institutions, supervision of Portuguese financial institutions is active, professional and well organized. The insurance sector has performed well, partly reflecting a rapid deepening of the market in Portugal. While sensitive to various types of market and underwriting risks, both the life and non-life sectors, overall, are estimated to be able to withstand a number of severe shocks, even though the impact on individual insurers varies widely.

Competitiveness

Portugal's competitiveness in the world

The Global Competitiveness Report for 2005, published by the World Economic Forum, placed Portugal on the 22nd position, ahead of countries and territories like Spain, Ireland, France, Belgium and Hong Kong. This table showed that Portugal had stepped two places regarding the 2004 ranking. On the Technology index, Portugal was ranked 20th, on the Public Institutions index Portugal was the 15th best and on the Macroeconomic index, Portugal was placed on the 37th position.  The Global Competitiveness Index 2007-2008 placed Portugal on the 40th position out of 131 countries and territories. However, the Global Competitiveness Report 2008-2009 edition placed Portugal in the 43rd position out of 134 countries and territories.

Competitiveness by city

A study concerning competitiveness of the 18 Portuguese district capitals, complying with World Economic Forum methodology, was made by Minho University economics researchers. It was published in Público newspaper on 30 September 2006. The best-ranked cities in the study were Évora, Lisbon and Coimbra.

Ranking:

* 1.Évora: 7,293
* 2.Lisbon: 6,454
* 3.Coimbra: 6,042
* 4.Beja: 5,660
* 5.Leiria: 5,609
* 6.Castelo Branco: 5,608
* 7.Aveiro: 5,452
* 8.Guarda: 5,178
* 9.Santarém: 5,037
* 10.Portalegre: 4,711
* 11.Viseu: 4,628
* 12.Vila Real: 5,514
* 13.Bragança: 4,271
* 14.Setúbal: 4,070
* 15.Braga: 4,055
* 16.Faro: 3,971
* 17.Viana do Castelo: 3,859
* 18.Porto: 3,577

 Domestic problems

* Forest Fires: Like in other countries with very hot summers and seasonal drying of soils and vegetation, every year large areas of the Portuguese forest is destroyed. This has an important impact on the economy because many people and industries depend on forestry related activities. It is also a very dramatic ecological problem and a safety issue for the populations.
* Portugal's Public Debt: The public debt exceeds 80% of GDP on 2009 figures. This problem is a threat to the Portuguese economy and the State's financial sustainability.
* Over-dimensioned Public Sector: The public sector has been generally considered a very large, expensive and inefficient part of the economy. An excess of public employees and useless bureaucracy results in the loss of millions of euros every year. Since the XVI Governo Constitucional government, headed by Prime Minister José Durão Barroso, to the XVII Governo Constitucional government, headed by Prime Minister José Sócrates (which tried to create new rules and implement reforms aiming at better efficiency, rationalized resource allocation, fight civil servant excedentary overcapacity (excedentários) and less bureaucracy for both citizens and companies - e.g.: empresa na hora , PRACE - Programa de Reestruturação da Administração Central do Estado , and SIMPLEX - Programa de Simplificação Administrativa e Legislativa , among others), the "public expenditure problem" has been a major concern in Portugal, however it had little effect, and the country's public debt and deficit were both out of control by 2010. In addition, João Bilhim who directed in 2005 the committee responsible for the Programme for Restructuring the State's Central Administration (PRACE) said to be disappointed with the results of the reforms tried in the mid-2000s.
* Corruption: Although being generally considered honest hard-working people, corruption has become an issue of major political and economic significance for the Portuguese. The responsible authorities and many civic associations and think tanks are trying to combat corruption before it increases further. Many abusive lobbies and corruption schemes are related to concessions, unclear approvals to contractors and economic groups, or job creation for and commercial agreements with friends and family members, mainly involving the huge public sector and companies. Some cases are well known and were widely reported in the media, such as the affairs in several municipalities involving local town hall officials and businesspersons, as well as a number of politicians with wider responsibilities and power.Notable criminal cases include the Face Oculta, the Oeiras Municipality Mayor Isaltino Morais scandal, the Apito Dourado and the Saco Azul de Felgueiras. According to the 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index of countries published by Transparency International, Portugal had the 32nd lowest level of corruption, out of 180 countries. In 2009 it had slumped to the 35th place.

Education, training and research in business and economic sciences

There are several higher education institutions awarding academic degrees in economics and business management across the whole country. Almost every polytechnical institute have programmes in management and administration. All state-run universities have programmes in economics. Among the largest and most reputed universities which host an economics department and develop research on economics, are the Technical University of Lisbon (through its Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão - ISEG); the Portuguese Catholic University at Lisbon (through its Faculdade de Ciências Económicas e Empresariais - FCEE), the University of Porto (through its Faculdade de Economia da Universidade do Porto - FEP); the New University of Lisbon (through its Faculdade de Economia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa - FEUNL); the Minho University (through its Escola de Economia e Gestão - EEG); and the University of Coimbra (through its Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra - FEUC). Both the Bank of Portugal and Statistics Portugal develop lengthy and thoroughly systematic research and make reports on the Portuguese economy.

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Speed cameras


A traffic enforcement camera also red light camera, road safety camera, road rule camera, photo radar, photo enforcement, speed camera, Gatso) is an automated ticketing machine. It may include a camera which may be mounted beside or over a road or installed in an enforcement vehicle to detect traffic regulation violations, including speeding, vehicles going through a red traffic light, unauthorized use of a bus lane, for recording vehicles inside a congestion charge area.
The latest automatic number plate recognition systems can be used for the detection of average speeds and raise concerns over loss of privacy and the potential for governments to establish mass surveillance of vehicle movements and therefore by association also the movement of the vehicle's owner. Vehicles owners are often required by law to identify the driver of the vehicle and a case was taken to the European Court of Human Rights which found that the Human Rights Act 1998 was not being breached. Some groups, such as the National Motorists Association in the USA, claim that systems "encourage ... revenue-driven enforcement" rather than the declared objectives.


Bus lane enforcement


Some bus lane enforcement cameras use a sensor in the road which triggers a number plate recognition camera which compares the vehicle registation plate with a list of approved vehicles and records images of other vehicles.Other systems use a camera mounted on the bus, for example in London where they monitor Red routes on which stopping is not allowed for any purpose (other than taxis and disabled parking permit holders).
On Monday, February 23, 2009, New York City announced testing camera enforcement of bus lanes on 34th Street in Midtown Manhattan where a New York City taxi illegally using the bus lanes would face a fine of $150 adjudicated by the New York City Taxi and Limousine Commission.


Red light enforcement


A red light camera is a traffic camera that takes an image of a vehicle that goes through an intersection where the light is red. The system continuously monitors the traffic signal and the camera is triggered by any vehicle entering the intersection above a preset minimum speed and following a specified time after the signal has turned red.


Speed limit enforcement


Speed enforcement cameras are used to monitor compliance with speed limits which may use Doppler, LIDAR or Automatic number plate recognition. Other speed enforcement systems are also used which are not camera based.
Fixed or mobile speed camera systems that measure the time taken by a vehicle to travel between two or more fairly distant sites (from several hundred metres to several hundred kilometres apart) are called automatic number plate recognition (ANPR) cameras. These cameras time vehicles over a known fixed distance, then calculate the vehicle's average speed for the journey. The name derives from the fact that the technology uses infrared cameras linked to a computer to "read" a vehicle's registration number and identify it in real-time.


Stop sign enforcement


In 2007, the Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority (MRCA), in California, installed the first stop sign cameras in the United States. The five cameras are located in state parks such as Franklin Canyon Park and Temescal Gateway Park. The operator, Redflex Traffic Systems Inc., is paid $20 per ticket. The fine listed on the citation is $100. In 2010 a class action law suit was filed against MRCA.


Number plate recognition systems
Main article: Automatic number plate recognition
Automatic number plate recognition can be used for purposes unrelated to enforcement of traffic rules. In principle any agency or person with access to data either from traffic cameras or cameras installed for other purposes can track the movement of vehicles for any purpose.
In Australia's SAFE-T-CAM system, ANPR technology is used to monitor long distance truck drivers to detect avoidance of legally prescribed driver rest periods.
The United Kingdom's police ANPR system logs all the vehicles passing particular points in the national road network, allowing authorities to track the movement of vehicles and individuals across the country.
In the UK an 80-year-old pensioner John Catt and his daughter Linda (with no criminal record between them) were stopped by City of London Police while driving in London, UK in 2005, had their vehicle searched under section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 and were threatened with arrest if they refused to answer questions. After they complained formally, it was discovered they were stopped when their car was picked up by roadside ANPR CCTV cameras; it had been flagged in the Police National Computer database when they were seen near EDO MBM demonstrations in Brighton. Critics point out that the Catts had been suspected of no crime, however the UK's mass surveillance infrastructure allowed them to be targeted due to their association.


Other
Congestion charge cameras to detect vehicles inside the chargeable area which have not paid the appropriate fee
High-occupancy vehicle lane cameras to identify vehicles violating occupancy requirements.
Level crossing cameras to identifying vehicles crossing railways at grade
Noise pollution cameras that record evidence of heavy vehicles that break noise regulations by using engine braking
Parking cameras which issue citations to vehicles which are illegally parked or which were not moved from a street at posted times.
Toll-booth cameras to identify vehicles proceeding through a toll booth without paying the toll
Turn cameras at intersections where specific turns are prohibited on red. This type of camera is mostly used in cities or heavy populated areas.
Automatic number plate recognition systems can be used for multiple purposes, including identifying untaxed and uninsured vehicles, stolen cars and potentially mass surveillance of motorists .
Fixed camera systems can mounted in boxes or on poles beside the road or attached to gantries over the road, or to overpasses or bridges. Cameras can be concealed, for example in garbage bins.
Mobile speed cameras may be hand-held, tripod mounted, or vehicle-mounted. In vehicle-mounted systems, detection equipment and cameras can be mounted to the vehicle itself, or simply tripod mounted inside the vehicle and deployed out a window or door. If the camera is fixed to the vehicle, the enforcement vehicle does not necessarily have to be stationary, and can be moved either with or against the flow of traffic. In the latter case, depending on the direction of travel, the target vehicle's relative speed is either added or subtracted from the enforcement vehicle's own speed to obtain its actual speed. The speedometer of the camera vehicle needs to be accurately calibrated.
Some number plate recognition systems can be used from vehicles.
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Anna Bligh


Anna Maria Bligh, born 14 July 1960 is an Australian politician and the 37th Premier of Queensland from 2007 to 2012. Bligh was an Australian Labor Party member of the Legislative Assembly of Queensland seat of South Brisbane from 1995 to 2012.
Bligh was the first woman to be appointed Premier of Queensland, the third female Premier of an Australian state, and the sixth female head of government of an Australian state or territory. She led Labor to victory in the 2009 Queensland state election, becoming the first woman elected in her own right as a state premier in Australia.
Bligh attempted to win a second full term as Premier in the 2012 state election. However, her party suffered the worst defeat of a sitting government in Queensland history, winning only seven seats. In the wake of the loss, Bligh announced her immediate resignation as leader of the Queensland Labor Party. She also announced that she would resign from parliament and retire from politics, effective 30 March 2012.


Early life


Bligh was born in Warwick, Queensland. She grew up on the Gold Coast. Her parents separated when she was 13. She attended Catholic schools until Year 9 and considered becoming a nun. One of her aunts became a nun and another had entered a convent. However the church's attitude towards divorced people (her mother was no longer permitted to take Communion) reportedly estranged her and her mother from the church.
Studying at the University of Queensland from 1978, Bligh gained a Bachelor of Arts. Bligh traces her politicisation to her first year at University, observing a right-to-march rally in King George Square where people were being hit over the head by the police. Bligh's first involvement in activism was student protests against the Vice-Chancellor Brian Wilson's controversial administrative restructuring within the university. She then went on to be involved in the Women's Rights Collective which campaigned for legalised abortion against the anti-abortion policies of the Bjelke-Petersen government. Bligh's next role was as Women's Vice-President of the Student Union. She then ran an election ticket called EAT (Education Action Team) in an unsuccessful bid to oust the faction in charge, headed by the future Goss government identity David Barbagallo. Law student Paul Lucas, Bligh's future Deputy Premier, was a part of Barbagallo's team. Her 1982 team included the former Minister for Education, Training and the Arts Rod Welford. Anne Warner, who was a future Minister in the Goss Government, was an office holder at the time in the Union. Warner soon become one of Bligh's key political mentors.
She subsequently worked in a number of community organisations, including child care services, neighbourhood centres, women's refuges and trade unions as well as in the Queensland Public Service.


2012 election
On 25 January, Bligh announced an election for 24 March. It was the first time in Queensland history that the voters knew the election date in advance of the parliament being dissolved. Bligh made this decision after learning that the Commission of Inquiry into the 2010-11 Queensland floods would not release its final report until 16 March, rather than the middle of February as originally planned. She wanted Queenslanders to see the report before they went to the polls.
Bligh asked Governor Penny Wensley to dissolve parliament on 19 February, formally beginning the 35-day campaign.[20] She began the race as an underdog; the LNP had regained a substantial lead in polling since Newman took the leadership.
Bligh was dogged throughout the campaign by the perception that she'd misled voters about the asset sales. With Labor sinking in the polls, Bligh conceded in a 13 March interview with the Brisbane Times that in all likelihood, Labor would not be reelected.[21] The final Newspoll of the campaign appeared to confirm this, showing Labor's support had sunk to only 39.2 percent.
At the 24 March election, Labor suffered one of the largest electoral wipeouts in Australian history, and the worst defeat that a sitting government in Queensland has ever suffered, double the previous record-holder of the 1989 election. Labor was reduced from 51 seats to seven, suffering a swing of over 15 percent. This was largely because of a near-total meltdown in Brisbane, which had been Labor's power base for over two decades. The party lost all but three of its seats in the capital, in some cases suffering swings of over 10 percent. Bligh herself suffered a nine percent swing in South Brisbane, and she only overcame her LNP challenger on Green preferences. Ten members of her cabinet were defeated. It was only the sixth time since 1915 that Queenslanders have thrown a sitting government from office in an election.
The next day, Bligh announced she was retiring from politics. She had intended to stay in parliament, but said that the severity of Labor's defeat made her realise the party could not "develop an effective opposition" with her even as a backbencher. She resigned as Queensland Labor leader and premier that day, and handed her resignation to Wensley the same afternoon, to take effect from 30 March 2012. Bligh had intended that the timing of her resignation would allow a by-election to be held on 28 April 2012, the same day as local government elections. Later reports suggested that she may not be able to resign from Parliament until the writ of election for South Brisbane was returned, meaning that a by-election would be too late to coincide with the Brisbane City Council election.But on 2 April, she was declared the winner, and a writ was subsequently issued for the by-election.


Personal




Bligh is married to Greg Withers, a senior public servant, with whom she has two sons, Joe and Oliver, both of whom attended Brisbane State High School.
Bligh is a descendant of Cornishman William Bligh who is famous for the Mutiny on the Bounty and being the 4th Governor of New South Wales. The name Bligh comes from the Cornish language word Blyth meaning Wolf.
Bligh appeared as a contestant on Celebrity MasterChef Australia. She was eliminated in her first heat, losing to the eventual winner of the series, swimmer Eamon Sullivan.
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Kevin Rudd

Kevin Michael Rudd, born 21 September 1957 is an Australian politician who was the 26th Prime Minister of Australia from 2007 to 2010. He also served as the Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2010 to 2012. A member of the Australian Labor Party, Rudd has served in the House of Representatives since the 1998 federal election, representing Griffith, Queensland.
Rudd was born in Queensland and grew up on a dairy farm. He joined the Australian Labor Party at the age of 15 and was dux of Nambour State High School in 1974. He studied an arts degree in Asian studies at the Australian National University, majoring in Chinese language and Chinese history. In 1981, he married Thérèse Rein and they have three children. He worked for the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1981 and from 1988 he was Chief of Staff to the Queensland Labor Opposition Leader and later Premier, Wayne Goss. After the Goss government lost office in 1995, Rudd was hired as a Senior China Consultant by the accounting firm KPMG Australia.
Rudd was elected to Parliament in 1998 and was promoted to the Labor frontbench in 2001 as Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs. In December 2006 he had become the leader of the Labor party and Leader of the Opposition; the party overtook the incumbent Liberal/National coalition government led by John Howard, in both party and leadership polling. Rudd made policy announcements on areas such as industrial relations, climate change, an "education revolution", a National Broadband Network, and health. Labor won the 2007 election, with a 23-seat swing. The Rudd government's first acts included signing the Kyoto Protocol and delivering an apology to Indigenous Australians for the stolen generations. The previous government's industrial relations legislation, WorkChoices, was largely dismantled, Australia's remaining Iraq War combat personnel were withdrawn, and the "Australia 2020 Summit" was held. In response to the Global Financial Crisis, the government provided economic stimulus packages, and Australia was one of the few western countries to avoid the late-2000s recession.
Beginning with Rudd's election to the Labor leadership, the party enjoyed a long period of high popularity in the opinion polls. However, a significant fall in Rudd's personal electoral standing was blamed on a proposed Resource Super Profits Tax and the deferral of the Senate-rejected Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme. The decline in his government's support in opinion polls and growing dissatisfaction of his leadership within the Labor Party led his deputy, Julia Gillard, to announce on 23 June 2010 that she would contest the leadership in a caucus ballot the following day. Knowing he would be defeated if he contested the leadership, Rudd stepped down as party leader and Prime Minister on the morning of the ballot. He successfully recontested his parliamentary seat at the 2010 election, and was subsequently promoted back to cabinet as Minister for Foreign Affairs in Gillard's Labor minority government.
On 22 February 2012, Rudd unexpectedly announced his resignation as Foreign Minister, following speculation about a possible leadership spill.On 23 February, Julia Gillard announced there would be a ballot for the leadership on 27 February, at which she would be standing again. On 24 February, Rudd also announced his candidature. In the ballot, Gillard beat Rudd by 71 votes to 31.


Entry into politics
Rudd joined the Department of Foreign Affairs in 1981, and served there until 1988. He and his wife spent most of the 1980s overseas posted at the Australian embassies in Stockholm, Sweden, and later in Beijing, People's Republic of China.
Returning to Australia in 1988, he was appointed Chief of Staff to the Labor Opposition Leader in Queensland, Wayne Goss. He became Chief of Staff to the Premier when the Labor Party won office in 1989, a position he held until 1992, when Goss appointed him Director-General of the Office of Cabinet. In this position Rudd was arguably Queensland's most powerful bureaucrat. In this role he presided over a number of reforms including development of a national program for teaching foreign languages in schools. Rudd was influential in both promoting a policy of developing an Asian languages and cultures program which was unanimously accepted by the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) in 1992 and later chaired a high level working group which provided the foundation of the strategy in its report, which is frequently cited as "the Rudd Report".
During this time he underwent a cardiac valve transplant operation (Ross procedure), receiving a cadaveric aortic valve replacement for rheumatic heart disease.
The Goss government nearly lost its majority in 1995 before losing it altogether in a 1996 by-election. After Goss' resignation, Rudd was hired as a Senior China Consultant by the accounting firm KPMG Australia. While in this position, he won the Labor preselection for the Brisbane-area seat of Griffith at the 1996 federal election. Despite being endorsed by the retiring Labor MP, Ben Humphreys, Rudd was considerably hampered by Labor's unpopularity in Queensland, as well as a redistribution that almost halved Labor's majority. Rudd was defeated by Liberal Graeme McDougall on the eighth count as Labor was cut down to only two seats in Queensland in a massive swing. Rudd sought a rematch against McDougall in the 1998 election and won on the fifth count.
Member of Parliament


Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs: 2001–2005
Rudd was promoted to the Opposition front bench following the 2001 election and appointed Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 2002 he met with British intelligence and helped define the position Labor would take in regards to the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
There is no debate or dispute as to whether Saddam Hussein possesses weapons of mass destruction. He does. There's no dispute as whether he's in violation of UN Security Council resolutions. He is.
After the fall of Saddam he would criticise the Howard Government over its support for the United States, while maintaining Labor's position of support for the Australian-American alliance.
Well, what Secretary Powell and the US seems to have said is that he now has grave doubts about the accuracy of the case he put to the United Nations about the claim that Iraq possessed biological weapons laboratories – the so-called mobile trailers. And here in Australia, that formed also part of the government's argument on the war. I think what it does is it adds to the fabric of how the Australian people were misled about the reasons for going to war.
Rudd's policy experience and parliamentary performances during the Iraq war made him one of the better known members of the Labor front bench. When Opposition Leader Simon Crean was challenged by his predecessor Kim Beazley in June, Rudd did not publicly commit himself to either candidate. When Crean finally resigned in late November, Rudd was considered a possible candidate for the Labor leadership, however, he announced that he would not run in the leadership ballot, and would instead vote for Kim Beazley.
Rudd was predicted by some commentators to be demoted or moved as a result of his support for Beazley following the election of Mark Latham as Leader, but he retained his portfolio. Relations between Latham and Rudd deteriorated during 2004, especially after Latham made his pledge to withdraw all Australian forces from Iraq by Christmas 2004 without consulting Rudd. After Latham failed to win the October 2004 federal election, Rudd was again spoken of as a possible alternative leader. He retained his foreign affairs portfolio and disavowed any intention of challenging Latham.
When Latham suddenly resigned in January 2005, Rudd was visiting Indonesia and refused to say whether he would be a candidate for the Labor leadership. Such a candidacy would have required him to run against Beazley, his factional colleague. "The important thing for me to do is to consult with my colleagues in the party", he said.After returning from Indonesia, Rudd consulted with Labor MPs in Sydney and Melbourne and announced that he would not contest the leadership. Kim Beazley was subsequently elected leader.
In June 2005 Rudd was given expanded responsibilities as the Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Security and, also, the Shadow Minister for Trade.


Prime Minister
On 3 December 2007, Rudd was sworn in as Prime Minister by the Governor-General, Major General Michael Jeffery. Rudd was the first Prime Minister to make no mention of the Monarch in his oath of office.

Two party preferred polling during the term of the Rudd government. See also: Australian federal election, 2010#Polling.
Kevin Rudd was the second Queenslander to lead his party to a federal election victory, the first being Andrew Fisher in 1910. Rudd was the first Prime Minister since World War II not to come from either New South Wales or Victoria and the fourth prime minister from Queensland.
Early initiatives of the Rudd Government included the signing of the Kyoto Protocol, a Parliamentary Apology to the Stolen Generations and the 2020 Summit.
During their first two years in office, Rudd and his government set records for popularity in Newspoll polling.
By 2010, the Prime Minister's approval ratings had dropped significantly and controversies had arisen over management of economic stimulus following the Global Financial Crisis; the delay of the government's proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme; asylum seeker policies; and debate over a proposed "super profits" tax on the mining industry.
The United States diplomatic cables leaks reveal that Robert McCallum, the former US ambassador to Australia, described Rudd as a ‘control freak’ and ‘a micro-manager’ obsessed with managing the media cycle rather than engaging in collaborative decision making". Diplomats also criticised Rudd's foreign policy record and considered Rudd's ‘missteps’ largely arose from his propensity to make ‘snap announcements without consulting other countries or within the Australian government’.
On 23 June 2010, following significant media speculation and after it became apparent Rudd had lost the support of key factional heads within the Labor Party, deputy prime minister Julia Gillard requested a leadership ballot for the following day, which Rudd announced he would himself contest.


Foreign Minister
Rudd with United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in September 2010
Rudd was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Gillard government and was sworn into this position on 14 September 2010. He represented Gillard at a UN General Assembly meeting in September 2010.
Material relating to Kevin Rudd's term as prime minister was included in the United States diplomatic cables leaks released en masse by Wikileaks in 2010. As foreign minister, Rudd denounced the publication of classified documents by wikileaks. The Australian media extensively reported purported references to Rudd in the cables — including frank discussions between Rudd and US officials regarding China and Afghanistan; and negative assessments of some of Rudd's foreign policy initiatives and leadership style, written in confidence for the US government by the US Ambassador to Australia.
Prior to his December 2010 visit to Israel, Rudd informed the The Australian newspaper of a new policy position on Israeli nuclear facilities, saying that they should be subject to International Atomic Energy Agency inspection. Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman rejected the call.
Following the 2011 Egyptian revolution and resignation of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, Rudd called for "constitutional reform and a clear timetable towards free and fair elections".
In response to the 2011 Libyan civil war, Rudd announced in early March 2011 that a no-fly zone should be enforced by the international community as a "lesser of two evils" to prevent dictator Muammar Gaddafi from using the Libyan airforce to attack protesters and rebels. The Age and other media outlets reported this as representing a rift between Rudd and Prime Minister Gillard, and said that US officials in Canberra had sought official clarification on what the Australian government was proposing. Speaking from Washington, Ms Gillard said in response that the United Nations Security Council should consider a "full range" of options to deal with the situation, and that Australia was not planning to send forces to enforce a no-fly zone.
Following the devastating 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan, Rudd announced that in his conversation with Japanese foreign minister Takeaki Matsumoto, he had offered Australian field hospitals and disaster victim identification teams to assist with recovery. He also said he had offered Australian atomic expertise and requested urgent briefings following an explosion at a nuclear plant, telling ABC TV: "We and the rest of the international community need urgent briefings on the precise status of these reactors".
Rudd announced his resignation as Foreign Minister on 22 February 2012, citing a lack of support from Julia Gillard and character attacks launched by Simon Crean and "a number of other faceless men" as the catalyst for stepping down. Speaking to the press in an early morning (1:30 am) news conference in Washington D.C., Rudd explained his decision to leave cabinet saying, "I can only serve as Foreign Minister if I have the confidence of Prime Minister Gillard and her senior ministers." The resignation occurred following heated speculation about a possible leadership spill. On 23 February 2012, Rudd was replaced as Minister for Foreign Affairs by Craig Emerson (on an acting basis), and then by former NSW Premier and new Senator Bob Carr on 13 March.


2012 leadership spill

Australian Labor Party leadership spill, 2012
Speculation as to Rudd's desire to return to the leadership of the Labor Party became a near constant feature of media commentary on the Gillard Government. Minority government complicated Labor's response to the issue. In October 2011, Queensland backbencher Graham Perrett announced that if Labor replaced Gillard with Rudd, he would resign and force a by-election—a move which could cost Labor government. At Labor's 2011 conference in Sydney, Prime Minister Gillard mentioned every Labor Prime Minister since World War II with the exception of Kevin Rudd The speech was widely reported as a snub to Rudd. In early 2012, Labor frontbenchers began to discuss the issue of leadership publicly—Simon Crean told radio 3AW, "Rudd can't be leader again... People will not elect as leaders those they don't perceive as team players".
Following a Four Corners program that revisited Gillard's role in the 2010 replacement of Rudd as Prime Minister, a break down in party discipline saw Labor MP Darren Cheeseman call on Gillard to resign, while his colleague Steve Gibbons called Rudd a "psychopath with a giant ego". Amidst the controversy, an expletive laden video of out-takes of an intemperate Kevin Rudd attempting to record a Chinese language message during his time as Prime Minister was released anonymously on YouTube, apparently aimed at discrediting his push for the leadership. While Rudd said publicly only that he was "happy as foreign minister", media commentators widely declared that a leadership challenge was "on".
When Rudd resigned on 22 February 2012, the Deputy Prime Minister, Wayne Swan, lambasted Rudd as "dysfunctional"; cabinet colleague Tony Burke also spoke against Rudd, saying of his time in office that "the stories that were around of the chaos, of the temperament, of the inability to have decisions made, they are not stories" Labor Senator Doug Cameron came out in support of Rudd and called on his colleagues to show him respect.

Later that day, Rudd said that he did not think Gillard could defeat the Coalition in the next election and that, since his resignation, he had received encouragement from Labor members and cabinet ministers to contest the leadership.

Gillard responded to the developments by announcing a leadership ballot for the morning of 27 February 2012 and that she would renominate for the Labor Party leadership. On 24 February 2012, Rudd announced that he intended to challenge the leadership. Before the ballot, Rudd promised not to initiate any further leadership challenges against Gillard should he lose, but did not rule out being drafted as Labor leader at a later date.
Gillard won the subsequent spill with 71 votes to Rudd's 31. Following the ballot Rudd reiterated that he would not mount another challenge against Gillard, and stated that he would support her if anyone else challenged for the leadership.


Heart operation

On 20 July 2011, Rudd announced that he was to undergo heart surgery in early August, to replace his aortic valve, a similar operation to the one he had some 20 years before, as that valve was now wearing out. In a tweet soon after the press conference, he said that he hoped people would have "a chat about importance of organ donation.